Introduction
This brief is part of CCJ’s Pushing Toward Parity research series, which explores racial and ethnic disparities in correctional control. Other reports in this series have examined national and state-specific trends in state imprisonment disparities, documenting a narrowing of Black and White1 disparities as well as Hispanic and non-Hispanic White disparities over the past two decades. This brief adds important context by disentangling the trends by sex and examining imprisonment rate disparity for Black, Hispanic, and White women.
Key Takeaways
- Imprisonment rate disparity between Black and White women fell by 71% during the first two decades of the 21st century, dropping from 6.3-to-1 in 2000 to 1.8-to-1 in 2020. This reduction exceeded the drop among men; Black-White imprisonment rate disparity for males decreased 38%, from 8.8 to 5.5, during the 20-year period.
- The decrease in Black-White female imprisonment rate disparity was driven by a 56% decline in the imprisonment rate for Black women and a 57% increase for White women.
- Since 2010, Hispanic-White female imprisonment rate disparity has been at or below parity. It fell by 56% during the first two decades of the century, from 1.6 to 0.7, meaning that by 2020, White women were more likely to be imprisoned than Hispanic women.
- Black-White and Hispanic-White female imprisonment disparity fell across all offense categories—violent, property, and drug—with the largest decrease recorded for drug offenses. From 2000 to 2020, Black-White drug offense imprisonment disparity dropped from 8 to 0.6, reaching parity in 2016. Hispanic-White drug offense imprisonment disparity fell from 2.4 in 2000 to one (parity) in 2010, and continued to fall, reaching 0.5 in 2020.
- Changes in the demographic composition of prison admissions for new court commitments were the driving force behind reductions in Black-White and Hispanic-White female imprisonment disparity. From 2000 to 2019, admissions decreased 47% for Black females, increased 15% for Hispanic females, and rose 138% for White females.
GLOSSARY
- Disparity ratios are a measure that compares imprisonment rates across two groups of people. A Black-White imprisonment disparity ratio of 3-to-1, for example, means that Black adults are incarcerated at three times the rate of White adults. A ratio of one indicates no difference between the two groups. A disparity ratio lower than one means that Black adults are less likely to experience imprisonment than White adults.
- The terms racial disparity, racial disparity ratio, and Black-White disparity are used interchangeably.
- The terms ethnic disparity, ethnic disparity ratio, and Hispanic-White disparity are used interchangeably.
- Female refers to biological sex. The terms females and women are used interchangeably.
- New court commitments refer to prison admissions that result from a conviction for a new crime rather than for violations of community supervision.
- Rates are calculated per 100,000 respective adults. For example, the Black female imprisonment rate is calculated per 100,000 Black female adults. All rates refer to adult state prison populations; women in federal prisons and local jails are excluded.
- Parity refers to a disparity ratio of 1 (1-to-1).
Female Racial and Ethnic Disparities in State Imprisonment, 2000 to 2020
Imprisonment Rate Disparity
The Black-White female imprisonment rate disparity peaked at 7.5-to-1 in 1995 before beginning to drop. From 2000 to 2020, disparity decreased 71%, dropping from 6.3 to 1.8. Roughly half of the decrease in disparity occurred from 2000 to 2005 (Figure 1). Over the same time period, the Black-White male imprisonment rate disparity ratio fell by a much smaller amount (38%), dropping from 8.8 to 5.5.
Figure 1: Black-White Imprisonment Rate Disparity by Sex, 2000–2020
The Hispanic-White female imprisonment rate disparity also fell during this time period, dropping from 1.6 in 2000 to one (parity) in 2010 and to 0.7 in 2020 (Figure 2). A disparity ratio below one means that White women were imprisoned at a higher rate than Hispanic women; in this case, a disparity ratio of 0.7 means that the Hispanic female imprisonment rate was 70% of the White female imprisonment rate.2
Figure 2: Black-White and Hispanic-White Female Imprisonment Rate Disparity, 2000–2020
The decrease in disparity was driven by changes in race-specific imprisonment rates. From 2000 to 2019, the Black female imprisonment rate fell 56%, while the White female imprisonment rate increased 57%.
Figure 3: Female Imprisonment Rates by Race, 2000–2020
Specifically, from 2000 to 2019, the Black female imprisonment rate fell from 284 to 126 per 100,000 Black female adults; in 2020, it dropped to 96 (Figure 3). By contrast, the White female imprisonment rate increased from 45 to 71 per 100,000 White female adults over the same time period, before dipping back down to 54 in 2020. From 2000 to 2019, the Hispanic female imprisonment rate decreased from 73 to 50 per 100,000 Hispanic female adults, and fell still further–to 37–in 2020.
The steep decline in female incarceration rates in 2020 was consistent with national decreases in imprisonment that occurred due to responses to the COVID-19 pandemic.3 The Black female rate fell 23%, the Hispanic rate decreased 27%, and the White rate dropped 24%.
State Trends Mirrored National Trends
State-level female trends in disparity mirrored national trends, indicating that the decreases in female disparity were widespread. Three measures of disparity were examined to assess changes across the 12 study states: the lowest disparity ratios (25th percentile), the highest ratios (75th percentile), and the change between those two values (inter-quartile range, or IQR). A widening IQR signifies increasing disparity between groups over time; a narrowing range indicates decreasing disparities.
The analysis showed that Black-White female imprisonment rate disparity fell at a consistent pace from 2000 to 2020 (Figure 4). Both the 25th and 75th percentiles of this ratio dropped significantly, indicating a reduction in the gap. Specifically, the 75th percentile decreased from 10.5 to 3.1, and the 25th percentile decreased from 4.7 to 1.5. The IQR (the difference between the 25th and 75th percentiles) decreased from 5.8 to 1.6, which indicated that state-level disparity between Black and White imprisonment rates became less pronounced and showed less variation over time.
The median state-level Hispanic-White female disparity ratio remained at or below parity for most years between 2000 and 2020, except for 2000 and 2007, when the ratios were 1.2 and 1.1, respectively. Similar to patterns reported for Black and White women, the IQR for the Hispanic-White ratio decreased from 1.7 in 2000 to 0.9 in 2020, indicating reductions in disparity ratio variability in the study states over time.
Figure 4: Black-White and Hispanic-White Female Imprisonment Rate Disparity, 2000–2020
Black-White
Hispanic-White
Offense-Specific Disparity
Black-White female drug offense imprisonment rate disparity reached parity in 2016 (Figure 5). By 2020, the ratio had dropped to 0.6, meaning that Black women were imprisoned for drug offenses at 60% the rate of White women. This decrease was driven by opposing trends for Black and White female drug imprisonment: from 2000 to 2019, the Black female drug offense imprisonment rate decreased by 86%, while the White female rate increased by 68%. For property crimes, the Black-White disparity ratio approached parity by the end of the study period, falling from 5.1 in 2000 to 1.3 in 2020. For violent offenses, the Black-White disparity fell by half, from 6.7 in 2000 to 3.3 in 2020. Hispanic-White disparity ratios reached parity for property crimes in 2005 and drug offenses in 2009. For violent offenses, the Hispanic-White disparity fell from 1.4 in 2000 to 1.1 in 2017, approaching, but not reaching, parity at any point during the study period.
Figure 5: Black-White and Hispanic-White Female Imprisonment Rate Disparity by Offense Category, 2000–2020
Black-White
Hispanic-White
What Drove Decreases in Disparity?
Changes in Resident and Prison Populations
Differential growth rates in both the resident population (the number of people of a certain race or ethnicity in the community) and the prison population (the number of people of a certain race or ethnicity in prisons) played a significant role in the changes in disparity (to read about the impact of COVID-19 policies on disparity, click here). When the resident population grows faster than the prison population, it lowers the growth rate of imprisonment rates. Conversely, when the prison population grows faster than the resident population, it increases the growth rate of imprisonment rates. For Black and Hispanic women, the growth of the resident population had a more pronounced impact on the changes in their respective imprisonment rates over time compared to White women.
Figure 6: Number of Women in State Prisons by Race and Hispanic Origin, 2000–2020
For Black women, there was a 32% increase in the resident population and a 42% decrease in the prison population (Table 1) during the study period. The decrease in the number of Black women in prison, coupled with the increase in the Black female resident population, reduced the Black female imprisonment rate. The number of Hispanic women in prison increased by 27% from 2000 to 2019, and Hispanic women experienced the highest growth rate in the resident population among the three groups–an 85% increase. Without the growth in the resident population, the increase in the prison population would have increased the Hispanic female imprisonment rate. By contrast, from 2000 to 2019 the number of White women in prison rose 66%, while there was a small (5%) increase in the White female resident population. The substantial increase in the number of White women in prison drove the growth of the White female imprisonment rate.
Table 1: Percent Change in Female Resident and Prison Population, 2000–2019
Analyzing the impact of resident and prison population growth on changes in imprisonment rates (Table 2) indicates that:
- For Black women, just over one-third of the change was attributed to growth in the resident population.
- For Hispanic women, the contribution of resident population growth to the imprisonment rate change surpassed the total rate change. This suggests that while the prison population grew, the effect of the resident population changes mitgated the overall impact.
- For White women, the predominant factor driving the increase was the growth in the White female prison population.
Table 2: Change in Female Imprisonment Rates Due to Change in the Resident Population, 2000–2019
Changes in Population Imprisoned for Specific Offenses
Decreases in Black-White female disparity coincided with shifts in race- and offense-specific population shifts. While the number of White women imprisoned for violent, property, and drug crimes rose throughout the study period, the number of imprisoned Black women remained the same or decreased.
Specifically, from 2000 to 2019, the number of White women imprisoned for violent crimes increased 66% before dropping 11% in 2020 (Figure 7). During the same period, the number of Black women imprisoned for violent crimes increased 7% before dropping 15% in 2020. The number of White women in prison for property crimes increased 68% between 2000 and 2014, followed by a subsequent decline; this resulted in an overall increase of 33% from 2000 to 2019. The number of Black women held for property crimes dropped 56% from 2000 to 2019.
The most significant shifts in the composition of the prison population were those related to drug offenses. From 2000 to 2019, the number of Black women held in prison for drug crimes dropped by 32% and the number of White women imprisoned for those offenses fell by 27%. Over the same time period, the number of Black women held for property offenses decreased by 81%, while the number of White women held for those crimes increased by 77%.
There were fewer Hispanic women than Black or White women imprisoned for each offense category. From 2000 to 2019, the number of Hispanic women in prison for violent crimes more than doubled, while the number held for property crimes increased 6%. There was a 77% increase in Hispanic women in prison from 2000 to 2008, before their numbers began to drop significantly.
Figure 7: Number of Women in State Prisons by Offense Category and Race and Hispanic Origin, 2000–2020
Violent Offenses
Property Offenses
Drug Offenses
Public Order Offenses
The offense-specific reductions in Black-White disparity can be attributed to several factors:
- Faster growth in the resident population for Black women compared to White women.
- Large decreases in the number of Black women imprisoned for property and drug offenses.
- Increases in the number of White women incarcerated for violent crimes, drug offenses, and public order offenses.
The primary factor driving change in Hispanic-White disparity was faster growth in the resident population among Hispanic women compared to White women.
Changes in Admission and Release Rates
The size of prison populations is determined by two main factors: admissions (how many people enter) and length of stay (how much time people serve). Changes in admissions, whether increases or decreases, were the primary drivers behind shifts in the size of the prison population over the study period.
From 2000 to 2019, annual admissions of Black women dropped by 47%, corresponding to a 42% decrease in the number of Black women in prison during that same period (Figure 8). By contrast, admissions of White women more than doubled, resulting in a 66% increase in the number of White women in prison over the same period.
Admissions of Hispanic women initially increased during the study period and fluctuated later in the period. Overall, however, the number of admissions of Hispanic women rose 15% from 2000 to 2019—a smaller rise than the 27% increase in the Hispanic female prison population.
Black, Hispanic, and White women all experienced decreases in admissions and decreases in their respective prison populations in 2020 due to responses to the COVID-19 pandemic.
Figure 8: Number of Women Admitted to State Prisons by Race and Hispanic Origin, 2000–2020
Black Women
White Women
Hispanic Women
The difference between admissions and releases within a year indicates the change in the prison population from that year compared to the previous one. When the number of releases exceeds the number of admissions, prison populations decrease. This was the case in 17 of the 20 study years for Black women, eight years for White women, and two years for Hispanic women (Figure 9).
From 2000 to 2019, the number of Black women released from prison consistently outnumbered the number of Black women admitted to prison, with the difference ranging from several hundred to as many as 1,700 admissions in 2012. On average, about 800 more Black women were released than admitted per year during the study period. By contrast, from 2000 to 2019, the number of White women admitted to prison outnumbered their releases in 13 of the 20 study years, ranging from 900 to 4,000 more admissions than releases in any given year. For Hispanic women, the changes were smaller.
Figure 9: Number of Women Admitted to and Released From State Prisons by Race and Hispanic Origin, 2000–2020
Black Women
White Women
Hispanic Women
The relationship between prison releases and the number of people in prison provides an indication of how much time people admitted into prison can expect to serve. The release rate, which is the ratio of releases to the prison population, serves as an indicator of turnover within the incarcerated population. A higher release rate signifies increased turnover and shorter length of stay.4
Release rates increased for Black women from 2000 to 2009 and for Hispanic women from 2000 to 2010 before falling back to 2000 levels by the end of the study period (Figure 10).5 Specifically, for Black women, release rates increased from 556 in 2000 to 70 in 2009, before declining. Similarly, for Hispanic women, the rate increased from 60 in 2000 to 83 in 2010 before declining. By contrast, for White women, the release rate increased over time from approximately 50 in 2000 to 85 in 2019.
Figure 10: Release Rates of Women in State Prisons by Race and Hispanic Origin, 2000–2019
Changes in release rates are associated with shifts in the offense composition of prison populations. In general, different crimes types result in varying lengths of imprisonment. As the mix of offenses changes, overall release rates are affected.
For Black women, a decrease in the number of women held for drug offenses coupled with a relatively stable number held for violent crimes resulted in a larger share of Black women in prison for violent crimes. Since violent offenses typically result in longer lengths of stay, Black women’s release rate decreased. By contrast, an increase in the number of White women held for drug offenses reduced length of stay and contributed to White women's increased release rates.
These dynamics give rise to two opposing trends. Despite a decrease in the overall number of Black women in prison from 2000 to 2019, a larger share of the Black female prison population was held for violent offenses, which lead to longer lengths of stay. Conversely, although the number of White women in prison increased from 2000 to 2019, they were often held for drug offenses, which are associated with shorter lengths of stay.
Changes in Share of Admissions for New Court Commitments Versus Parole Revocations
Admissions to prison can result from a new court commitment or a violation of the conditions of supervision. During the study period, the overall shift in admissions was primarily driven by changes in admissions for new court commitments for all three racial/ethnic groups. By 2004, new court commitments constituted the majority of admissions for each group (Figure 11). Starting around 2010, however, the share of admissions due to new court commitments began to diverge between racial/ethnic groups.
Figure 11: Number of Female Admissions and the Share of Admissions Due to New Court Commitment by Race and Hispanic Origin, 2000–2020
Black Women
White Women
Hispanic Women
There were shifts in the types of offenses that led to new court commitments among the racial/ethnic groups. For both Black and White women, new court commitments for property and drug crimes increased from 2000 until about 2007 and accounted for the largest number of new court commitments (Figure 12). After 2007, however, the trends in new court commitments for these offenses diverged. The number of new court commitments for drug offenses among Black women fell 76% from 2007 to 2019. The number of new court commitments for drug offenses among White women continued to rise, increasing threefold from 2000 to a peak in 2018.
Similarly, among Black women, there was a 38% decrease in new court commitments for property crimes from 2000 to 2019, while White women experienced a 90% increase in such commitments during this time period. Both groups saw peaks in new court commitments for property crimes before experiencing declines. The peak for Black women occurred in 2009, and by 2019, the number had dropped 56%. The peak for White women was in 2013, and by 2019, the number had fallen 30%.
From 2000 to 2019, there was a divergence in the growth rates of new court commitments between Black and White women. The number of Black women with new court commitments for violent offenses increased by roughly 16%, while it more than doubled (125%) for White women.
The number of new court commitments for drug offenses among Black women fell 76% from 2007 to 2019. The number of new court commitments for drug offenses among White women continued to rise, increasing threefold from 2000 to a peak in 2018.
The number of new court commitments for violent offenses among Hispanic women increased 125%, and the number for property crimes increased 70%, mirroring trends among White women. However, unlike the pattern seen for White women, the number of new court commitments for drug offenses dropped by 11% for Hispanic women.
Figure 12: Number of Female New Court Commitment Admissions to State Prisons by Race and Hispanic Origin and Offense Category, 2000–2020
Black Women
White Women
Hispanic Women
In addition to new court commitments, prison admissions are also driven by technical violations of parole and the commission of new crimes among people under parole supervision.7 From 2000 to 2019, the number of White women admitted for parole violations was approximately four times higher than the number for Black women.
From 2010 to 2020, the gap between Black and White admissions for parole violations widened for both property and violent crimes. Before 2010, the Black and White trends were similar (Figure 13). The parole violation shares for drug offenses were comparable between Black and White women, and the racial gap in public order offenses remained constant at about 10 percentage points.
The rise in the share of parole violation admissions for property and violent crimes among White women contributes to the reduction in their length of stay. Generally, people admitted for parole violations spend much less time in prison than people admitted for new court commitments. Therefore, as the share of parole violation admissions increased, overall length of stay among this group decreased. From 2010 to 2020, disparity continued to decrease as parole violation admissions began to comprise a larger shares of admissions for White women than Black women. However, this decrease occurred at a slower pace than before, partly influenced by the impact of parole violations on release rates.
Figure 13: Share of Female Parole Violations by Race and Offense Category, 2000–2020
Violent Offenses
Property Offenses
Drug Offenses
Public Order Offenses
Implications
The reduction in the disparity between Black and White female imprisonment rates can be attributed to decreasing rates for Black women and increasing rates for White women. The increase for White women stems from increased admissions for drug offenses and violent crimes, accompanied by higher rates of recidivism. These trends are linked to shifts in drug use and the attendant violence related to the most recent opioid epidemic.
The trends for White women mirror patterns among Black women during the 1980s and 1990s, when enforcement of drug offenses and violent crimes contributed to a rise in their numbers in prison.8 This suggests that while the focus of drug enforcement practices may change with the types of drugs involved, such practices remain a consistent factor influencing imprisonment rates.
The decrease in imprisonment rates among Black women continues a trend that began in the mid-1990s, but the underlying causes of this decrease remain unclear. Understanding this phenomenon more comprehensively is critical to determine whether the shifts in Black female imprisonment that occurred from 2000 to 2019 can be attributed to “period effects” linked to changes in drug markets, or if they signify an enduring trend. The change in Black female imprisonment rates coincides with socioeconomic changes during the study period, including domestic migration, particularly towards southern states.9 However, the relationship between shifts in Black female imprisonment rates and broader socioeconomic influences remains largely unexplored.
A more comprehensive understanding of how various stages in the criminal justice process—such as arrest, prosecution, sentencing, and prison release—affect the flow of female populations from all race/ethnic groups into and out of prison is needed. Such an analysis requires the use of sub-state and local data that can be linked across decision points, a capability not available with the data used for this report. Research using local data can help to explain the roles of law enforcement practices, diversion decisions, criminal history, and community supervision in determining the race-specific rates that contribute to measures of disparity. This work and other future research could be used to push disparity-reduction efforts into an essential next phase—identifying promising prevention and intervention strategies focused on the needs of justice-involved women.
