Reflections: A Conversation With Veterans About Transition and Their Experiences in the Criminal Justice System
Susan Howley Project Director, Center for Victim Research at the Justice Information Resource Network
Diba Rouzbahani Research Analyst, Justice Information Resource Network
Stephanie C. Kennedy Policy Director, Council on Criminal Justice
August 2024
Introduction
In August 2022, the Council on Criminal Justice launched the Veterans Justice Commission, a group of 15 top military, veterans, and criminal justice leaders. Its mission is to examine why so many military veterans land in jail and prison and to produce recommendations for evidence-based policy changes that enhance safety, health, and justice.
As part of this effort, the Commission convened 13 listening sessions. The sessions were designed to gather input from justice-involved veterans about the adequacy of transitional assistance for military service members as they reenter civilian life, the risk factors that drove their involvement with the criminal justice system, and their path through the system.
The purpose of this analysis is to share the perspectives of veterans who have been directly impacted by the criminal justice system. Participants’ experiences and reflections, while not representing all veterans or all justice-involved veterans, add important context as Commission members assess problems with current approaches and develop proposals for improvement.
Key Takeaways
- The transition from military to civilian life can be overwhelming, and many justice-involved veterans who participated in the listening sessions said they felt inadequately supported. Participants characterized the military’s official transition preparation effort as broad and generic, lacking supportive connections and tailored approaches to address individuals’ unique needs.
- Many participants linked their military service with physical health, mental health, and substance use issues that often amplified one another. Many also experienced “culture shock” when returning to civilian life and mourned the loss of their military community.
- Participants said they experienced interpersonal and financial strain upon reentering the civilian world, and that such challenges, when coupled with substance use, had helped drive their system involvement.
- Some participants reported that there was no systematic process for identifying their veteran status in the criminal justice system, which delayed or prevented entry into veteran-specific programs before incarceration and during custody.
- A lack of awareness among stakeholders of the effects of post-traumatic stress syndrome (PTSD), traumatic brain injury (TBI), and other service-related conditions creates challenges for justice-involved veterans from arrest through reentry.
- Although they are not available in all communities, those who participated in Veterans Treatment Courts (VTCs) said the supportive structure was a decisive factor in their subsequent success.
- Few veteran-specific programs or housing units were available during incarceration or during reentry, especially for female veterans.
This paper was produced with support from The Arthur M. Blank Family Foundation, Craig Newmark Philanthropies, The Just Trust, LinkedIn, the National Football League, T. Denny Sanford, and the Wilf Family Foundation, as well as the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, Southern Company Foundation, #StartSmall, and other CCJ general operating contributors.
Glossary of Terms
- Department of Veterans Affairs (VA): An agency of the federal government that provides health, education, disability, financial, and other benefits earned by veterans of the United States Armed Forces.
- Military Sexual Trauma (MST): Sexual assault or sexual harassment experienced during military service.
- Other than Honorable (OTH): A type of administrative military discharge that results in denial of veterans’ benefits.
- Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD): A mental disorder caused by a traumatic event or multiple events, resulting in the symptoms of intrusive thoughts, avoidance, altered cognition and mood, and altered arousal and reactivity.
- Military Separation: Leaving active duty or being discharged from the U.S. Armed Forces.
- Substance Use Disorder (SUD): Continued use of substances, such as drugs, alcohol, or medication, causing a loss of control and physical dependence and impairing the ability to fulfill major obligations at work, school, or home.
- Traumatic Brain Injury (TBI): A disruption in the normal functioning of the brain that can be caused by a blow, bump, or jolt to the head, a forceful impact of the head against an object, or the penetration of an object into the skull and brain tissue.
- Veterans Justice Outreach (VJO): A program administered by the VA that offers voluntary outreach services to veterans in the criminal justice system, aiming to connect them with VA resources, including mental health and substance use disorder treatment services, to prevent repeated criminal behavior and incarceration.
- Veterans Treatment Court (VTC): Modeled after drug courts, VTCs are court-supervised programs aimed at helping veterans with criminal charges, diverting them from conventional criminal justice pathways, and offering tailored support and treatment.
Methodology
Listening session participants were recruited from the networks of CCJ members and partners, as well as via individual referrals. The Veterans Justice Commission sponsored a series of 13 hour-long listening sessions between August and November 2023. The sessions had between one and six participants, grouped largely by the nature of their experience with the justice system (diversion or probation only, by type of program, and incarceration in jail or prison). All sessions were conducted in English. Sessions focused on the transition from military to civilian life, factors driving justice involvement, and experiences within the criminal justice system.
Twenty-seven justice-involved veterans participated in the listening sessions, with 85% identifying as male and 15% as female. Participants identified as White (44%), Black (30%), and Hispanic (26%). Prior justice involvement included participation in diversion programs, Veterans Treatment Courts, incarceration, probation, and parole in 12 states and the District of Columbia. Participants were discharged from the military between the years 1987 and 2023. Branches represented included the Army, Marine Corps, Marine Corps Reserves, Navy, and the National Guard.
While these sessions included a diverse range of participants, they do not fully represent the views of all justice-involved veterans. Each participant’s perspective is unique, relating to their experience during the military, their transition to civilian life, their state of residence, regulations at the time of transition and arrest, and availability of programs. While the insights recorded for this analysis are valuable, they also highlight the need for additional study.
All procedures were approved by the Institutional Review Board at Southern Maine University.
The Transition from Military to Civilian Life
The transition from military to civilian life is a critical time for service members, one that can offer opportunities and pose significant challenges.1 Although the Department of Veterans Affairs (VA) provides formal transition programs 2 to all transitioning service members, most listening session participants were dissatisfied with the level of information, support, and assistance they received. Many also described struggling to build civilian lives. When asked to rate the support they received during transition on a scale from “one” (lowest) to “five” (highest), half of participants selected “one” (Figure 1). Only three participants rated their support as a “three” and none chose “four” or “five.”
Figure 1. Level of Transition Support Received
Many participants in the listening sessions expressed limited knowledge about available transition benefits and resources and had little understanding of how to access them. Participants also said their experiences during military service had negatively impacted their efforts to resume life as a healthy civilian. Some connected service-related events, including traumatic experiences, to substance use, criminal behavior, and criminal justice system engagement. Those who sustained service-related injuries or who were discharged from the military under “Other than Honorable” (OTH) conditions said they did not consider themselves to be veterans until much later in life. These veterans also were ineligible for most benefits, and many lacked clear information on eligibility years or even decades after discharge.
“Everybody who's transitioning out of the military is going for different reasons. Not everybody gets out the same way. So, everybody's needs are going to be different. I had medical needs. I had mental health needs. I had substance use and treatment needs. I needed housing.”
Some participants struggled to identify and secure the resources and benefits they needed during transition. Many also said the generic nature of transition instruction from VA fell short of what was needed to address their individual conditions or circumstances. This was especially acute among participants with complex medical, mental health, substance use, and housing needs.
In general, participants said they wanted and needed more support to help them manage a host of transition-related challenges. These ranged from financial strain and difficulties entering the civilian workforce to limited or complex emotional and social support systems, problems reintegrating with families, and struggles stemming from service-related injuries and mental health and substance use disorders.
Financial Strain
Many participants described profound financial strain during transition as they began to integrate into the unpredictable civilian housing and employment sectors and build lives beyond military service. This strain was amplified among those who had joined the military after high school and, upon discharge, had to learn how to navigate adulthood as a civilian the first time. As one participant said, “I was 17 years old when I showed up. [At discharge] I was 38 in a culture that I had been detached from for almost 20 years. … I had never even paid rent on an apartment or had utilities. I had to Google ‘how to get utilities.’ ”
Overall, participants reported having trouble finding employment after leaving the military and experiencing lower and less consistent income compared to their time in service. Some participants went into bankruptcy, and several described not knowing how to find employment compatible with their skills. Those who had experienced combat and had limited work experience prior to their military service, in particular, said a lack of alignment between their talents and job opportunities created barriers to employment. As one participant said, “Here I am coming out of high school, serving my country in testing and developing weapons systems. I mean, there's not a big job market for 8/10 strikes being called out by NATO Special Forces, I mean, there's just—you’re kind of out there on your own in it.”
“I was 17 years old when I showed up. [At discharge] I was 38 in a culture that I had been detached from for almost 20 years. … I had never even paid rent on an apartment or had utilities. I had to Google ‘how to get utilities.’ ”
Those who sustained injuries described additional challenges with transitioning to the civilian workforce. One noted, “I could have been a cop if I wasn't injured in Iraq, but I was, so when I got out, I didn't know what jobs I qualified for.”
Securing stable, affordable housing was a critical problem for many participants. As one noted, “They make sure you have a place to live when you join. Not when you’re discharged.” Another participant who returned to the U.S. after serving overseas said the high cost of housing complicated an already challenging transition. “One thing that stressed me out was the financial part. I was saving up when I was overseas, just to realize that [things had changed during that time]. Houses had more than doubled in price, things like that. And it was just stressful.”
Lack of Emotional and Social Support
Participants commonly reported experiencing identity loss and culture shock as they moved from the structured, disciplined, and mission-oriented environment of the military to civilian life. One participant said, “I didn't really recognize the world ... I was going back home, but it was not home. An alien feeling, feeling lost.” Another echoed this response: “It made me kind of lose my identity in a sense. I came from such a rich, structured environment to a not structured one; then I no longer had the flag on my shoulder. So, then I didn’t know what my purpose was anymore.”
“I didn't really recognize the world ... I was going back home, but it was not home. An alien feeling, feeling lost.”
Participants said they often felt isolated and disconnected during transition, a feeling starkly different from the social support they received when joining and serving in the military. One participant described not knowing how to meet people or make friends as a civilian. Another said, “You live, breathe, and eat Marine Corps, and then the next day, you're a civilian.”
This sense of disconnection was more intense for those who did not leave the armed services voluntarily; they reported feeling like outsiders both within the military and in the civilian world. One participant said, “I went from having support, people knowing my name and asking me how I'm doing, to phone calls just dropping off. Nobody checked in. A few friends I had on the civilian side just didn't understand exactly what was going on.” Another recalled that, “There wasn't a lot of support, people were pushing me out the door because I was seen as broken now. I couldn't perform my job anymore. So, they didn't need me anymore. I started drinking. I eventually was medically separated, medically retired. Got out of the military, had nowhere to go and nothing to do, and no support.”
Challenging Family Relationships
Participants were often heavily reliant on family members during transition and spoke gratefully about the support they received. “If it wasn't for the support that I had personally, like my wife and my family,” one said, “I would have been in a different place. I would have been homeless.” Another said, “If I didn’t have my family, I would have been sitting in jail.”
Others, however, noted that the complexity of transition and the financial strain of building a new career either resulted in or compounded issues within their family relationships. For example, several participants reported significant marital strain, which often stemmed from and exacerbated existing financial pressures, mental health issues, and substance use. One participant said, “I was having domestic issues with my spouse. And so, once I started going through financial issues with losing my income [after leaving the military], the domestic issues started getting even worse.” These compounding issues resulted in divorce for some participants and domestic violence charges for others.
Struggles with family relationships extended beyond marital difficulties. During transition, participants often lived with significant others, parents, or siblings, many of whom lacked understanding of the traumatic events often common to military service. One participant noted that, “Boyfriends, girlfriends, moms, dads, who may not understand what we’ve been through in combat. And then they get afraid.” For some veterans, these family reactions resulted in interpersonal conflicts, substance abuse, housing instability, and criminal justice system contact.
Struggles with Physical and Behavioral Health
Military service created significant physical strain for participants, particularly for those who engaged in combat. Some sustained injuries during their service or developed chronic physical health issues. Following their transition, some described lacking trust in the military health system, especially with regard to diagnosis and treatment of service-related health conditions. Because of negative experiences with VA health providers, some participants stopped seeking medical treatment–from VA or community-based providers.
Some participants described experiences of traumatic brain injury (TBI), post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), and military sexual trauma (MST) sustained during military service. Most of these participants lacked information on what was happening to them and did not seek medical treatment for their problems. As one participant noted, many combat-related experiences left an indelible mark: “I had an M-16 down somebody’s throat … and it is in that moment … that you know what you’re going to do and your whole world changes … you’re walking around with a big gaping hole that will never get fixed.”
Most participants said that during transition, and often for many years after, they did not fully understand the impacts of combat and trauma, what PTSD was, and how it had affected them. As one recounted, “I didn’t know what PTSD was when I started showing symptoms. We were never told about that when I was in the military. … I thought I was going crazy.” Another said, “I got out in 2011. I just now accepted that I have PTSD, in 2023 ... This goes to show you that we really do not understand ourselves.” Other participants said they received a PTSD diagnosis and treatment only after a public breakdown or upon their arrest.
“I had an M-16 down somebody’s throat … and it is in that moment … that you know what you’re going to do and your whole world changes … you’re walking around with a big gaping hole that will never get fixed.”
Struggles with Physical and Behavioral Health
Substance misuse was common for many during transition, and many participants described their drinking or drug use as “self-medicating.” Alcohol was the substance participants used most after discharge, they said, noting the pervasive culture of drinking within the military. One participant explained the substance use this way: “It's because we're too goddamned tough from the military training to speak up and say s**t about it. So, we're going to drown it. We're going to shoot it up. We're going to self-medicate. We're going to self-destruct, and we're going to take everybody down with us.”
Several participants said they had been “model soldiers” before experiencing the aftereffects of TBI, combat exposure, or sexual assault. When those aftereffects influenced their performance or behavior, the military response was typically reprimands, rather than an inquiry into what may have been causing the problems, participants said. “What would have helped [is] … if someone would have said, ‘We’ve noticed that you’re losing weight, you’re coming in late for the drill, you missed drill two months in a row. Hey, what’s going on with you? When you come in, you’re so tired all you do is sleep.’ ”
“Whether you have an OTH … or a dishonorable discharge, you still did an amount of time. You still wake up with those nightmares. It doesn’t matter what they put on that discharge certificate; you are still fighting demons that other people don’t see.”
For some, the consequences of mental health and substance use disorders resulted in an OTH discharge from the military, which severed their eligibility for VA and other benefits. Many of these participants did not want to be discharged from the military and expressed regret that they weren’t offered additional assistance with managing their conditions. One participant said, “I felt like maybe the Army could have had a substance abuse program versus, ‘Let’s kick you out because you’re having substance abuse problems.’ ” Another shared, “I was separated unexpectedly, due to medication and psychosis, where instead of having mental health support I was reprimanded and dealt with punitively.” A third participant said, “Whether you have an OTH … or a dishonorable discharge, you still did an amount of time. You still wake up with those nightmares. It doesn’t matter what they put on that discharge certificate; you are still fighting demons that other people don’t see.”
Entering the Criminal Justice System
Veterans who took part in the listening sessions entered the civilian criminal justice system at varying points in time. Some were arrested during their military service, others during transition, and still others were arrested many years after discharge. More than half of participants described repeated arrests, often for similar offenses. Among participants who disclosed their charges, alcohol- and drug-related crimes were the most common. Other charges included burglary, identity theft, weapons offenses, assault, robbery, and domestic violence. Several participants said that they committed crimes to support their substance use; others said they committed crimes while drunk or high.
As participants reflected on the circumstances that led to their justice-system involvement, they often described intense despair and hopelessness, which they connected to the end of their military career. One participant recounted multiple arrests, saying, “I was in a very ‘could care less’ state of mind. I’m getting kicked out of the Army. Nobody cares about me. I don’t care about me.” Another participant, who had experienced a TBI said, “I knew I was getting separated. I was kind of getting treated like I was worthless ‘cause I couldn’t do any work no more. I started drinking heavily.” A third veteran, who experienced multiple arrests and incarcerations, recalled, “I was just absolutely sick of my life, and was actually trying to overdose on every occasion that I could to end it ... If they would not have incarcerated me, I'm pretty confident I would have died by suicide by cop.”
No System for Identifying Veteran Status
Some participants said they had never been asked about their military service or veteran status after making contact with the criminal justice system, while many others were unsure. Some participants suggested that their veteran status was obvious: veteran status was noted on their driver’s license, they were arrested at a VA facility, or they were wearing a military uniform when they were arrested. But even those who had participated in a Veterans Treatment Court (VTC) were unable to identify a systematic process used to determine their status as former service members. One participant connected the absence of such a system to missed opportunities for intervention, noting: “The times that I've been locked up … no one came to talk to me about anything related to being a veteran. And I think a lot of things would have changed, especially the first time I got in trouble … if I knew I had an option to do something.”
One participant recalled being identified as a veteran upon entering prison, but was not subsequently connected to any targeted services or programs. Others said they were identified as veterans while in jail, self-disclosing their status to a Veterans Justice Outreach (VJO) coordinator who came into the facility. One participant described the benefits of the VJO visit: “They came to the jail and said, ‘Hey, I’m going to try to get you inside of a VA drug rehab,’ which I had no idea existed … And so that really helped.” This veteran was moved from jail into the VA treatment program, and after successfully completing the program, was released to probation. The participant said the VJO coordinator “stayed in touch with me all the way through my drug rehab when I was placed back into probation.”
“The times that I've been locked up … no one came to talk to me about anything related to being a veteran. And I think a lot of things would have changed, especially the first time I got in trouble … if I knew I had an option to do something.”
Other participants, however, said there were downsides to the disclosure of their veteran status within the criminal justice system. One said, “Veterans get treated automatically as violent people.” Another said his veteran status negatively influenced his treatment in the judicial system. “They used [my veteran status] against me in every courtroom ... They just automatically assume that I have the capability to hurt somebody because of my training.”
A Lack of Understanding and Training
More broadly, listening session participants expressed disappointment that justice system stakeholders often lacked understanding of the connection between service-related trauma, transition challenges, and criminal behavior. That lack of understanding sometimes translated into an absence of empathy and harsh treatment by those handling veterans’ cases. As one participant noted, “The thing about some of the PTSD we face is that some police and lawyers and judges can’t empathize with veteran stories. Others just call us ‘weak’ veterans. I have trauma from Iraq that is very specific and when I was telling my story to the cops and in court, nobody seemed to want to understand what I was going through.”
Even some defense attorneys representing veterans lacked awareness of service-related factors that can drive criminal behavior, some participants said. “You probably need a defense system that understands veterans aren’t just out here trying to commit crimes,” one participant explained, “that they’re probably dealing with something much, much deeper ... They have PTSD because of something they did for their government.”
“I have trauma from Iraq that is very specific and when I was telling my story to the cops and in court, nobody seemed to want to understand what I was going through.”
Several veterans with PTSD recalled being belittled during jail stays by staff members who were also veterans and had little use for those citing trauma as a factor in their criminal offending. One recalled that, “When I was in jail, I had the cops, the jailers, pull me aside and get up in my face. I was damn near naked in a freezing room and they were screaming at me how they, too, were veterans, and they, too, have been diagnosed with PTSD, but they don’t go around breaking the law, so they really felt like making an example out of me.”
In contrast, another participant described the response he received from criminal justice actors who had some understanding of veterans’ issues. Citing one compelling example, this veteran recalled what happened after they tried to provoke the arresting officer in their case into using deadly force. “The cop kind of said, ‘Something’s not right with this guy, he’s not just drunk.’ So, by the time I got to court [after a weekend in jail], the cop had already told the judge something. The judge asked me where I was going with my life, where I’m coming from ... and I told her I was a veteran, I just got out eight months ago ... You could see the lightbulbs going off. At the time they didn’t have a Veterans Treatment Court but they had a diversion program. They said, ‘You’d be a good candidate for this diversion program.’ “
Veterans Treatment Courts
One of the most significant advancements in managing justice-involved veterans has been the creation of VTCs. Like drug courts, VTCs divert veterans away from conventional criminal justice pathways and into programs that combine accountability with tailored support and treatment.3 Nearly half (44%) of listening session participants engaged in a VTC, with participation occurring at varying points during their justice involvement. Some were referred before conviction; others were identified while already serving a jail or prison sentence. Participants were introduced to the VTC through formal and informal channels that included prosecutors, VJO coordinators, veteran advocates, public defenders, private attorneys with military backgrounds, and other veterans.
Perceived Benefits of VTCs
Most participants who engaged with a VTC were extremely satisfied. Participants said VTC staff had helped them secure stable employment and housing, further their education, and provide other support. More generally, veterans said VTCs helped them begin healing from their service-related conditions, encouraging them to give themselves a second chance and discover their potential. A common refrain heard in the listening sessions was, “VTC saved my life.”
Empathy and Accountability
Participants said their positive views of the VTC program were driven mostly by the empathy and sense of feeling valued they experienced in court. Participants said program officials recognized them as human beings rather than a case number facing a set of criminal charges. As one participant said, “Most of all, they treated you like a person and not a participant … It’s the compassion.” Veterans were especially impressed with the judges in their VTCs, noting that the attitudes expressed from the bench set the tone for the entire experience. One participant recalled that to the judge, participants “weren't just statistics. They weren't just people in court. They were human beings, and he talked to them with respect.” Another said that because of the judge, the VTC “wasn’t a scolding session.” Rather, “it was a kind of thought-provoking conversation about, ‘well, why do you think you still act this way?’ ”
“It's just that atmosphere of empathy, love, and accountability … I think, having been treated like a human, not a junkie, not a criminal, not an inmate, but being treated like a combat veteran who's here to get treated.”
One participant described a particularly memorable experience in court. “The first thing the judge said was, ‘I’m really glad to see you,’ and I was like, ‘what?’ It's just that atmosphere of empathy, love, and accountability … I think, having been treated like a human, not a junkie, not a criminal, not an inmate, but being treated like a combat veteran who's here to get treated. That's the game changer for me.”
While the role of the judge was most often cited as influential, participants said the actions and temperament of other program staff and volunteers also contributed to the program’s success. “Not only the judge,” said one participant, “but the team, especially the mentors. Other veterans were extremely important when it came to my learning how to trust again. Knowing that I could go to my mentor and tell her things and she would not use them against me.”
In addition to praising the high levels of support and understanding from VTC staff, participants said the specialty courts provided connections to peer support with other veterans engaged in the program. Receiving support from peers who understood what participants were going through promoted healing and restoration, participants said. “It's having that camaraderie … being there with your fellow sisters and brothers and hearing their stories in a closed room setting.” Participants also said it was beneficial to see the gains and success of those who had started the program before them. And as they succeeded in the program, they were able to give back to newcomers. One participant described the trickle-down effect this way: When “you become the senior person showing up to the check-ins, and then there's people who are just getting into the program, and you're like you know, shooting a little advice their way. And they're looking up to you. And you could see in their eyes like, ‘Okay, there's hope.’ That is a huge part of Veterans Treatment Court.”
Addressing Needs in a Structured Environment
Aside from the supportive environment they provide, VTCs offered veterans in the listening sessions the means and resources to tackle their challenges. Participants said that rather than simply managing the criminal charge, the VTC focused on understanding and addressing the underlying factors that resulted in that charge. One veteran described the approach as, “Let’s just fix the root cause of why you drink so much.” Many participants said VTC staff went above and beyond for them, actively guiding them step-by-step, to ensure that they had the resources and treatment needed for success. “I had no idea about the resources I had available to me until Veterans Treatment Court, and they saved my life. They put me through all these programs. I self-medicated for, I want to say, a good 15 years at least. I was killing myself and they put me in all these different programs that literally saved my life.”
Participants also commended the accountability and structure provided by the VTCs—elements that those who had served in the military often found lacking in civilian life. Accountability, coupled with support and direction, helped participants set clear objectives and goals, which provided a pathway for personal growth. As one participant said, “You have to remain accountable to someone [in a VTC program]. You’re not just figuring things out on your own.”
Incarceration and Reentry
Nearly two-thirds (63%) of listening session participants were incarcerated in prison or served significant jail time. Most did not participate in any veteran-specific program, either during their incarceration or upon release. One participant described the experience this way: “As soon as everything happened, as soon as I was incarcerated, it was like I had no connection to the military at all, and no support.” Most participants who had been incarcerated also said they had not received any formal or informal support from other veterans behind bars. Those who did receive such support generally found it helpful. These participants were typically incarcerated in prisons with a large number of veterans and a veteran-specific housing or treatment program. Some participants said they received support from correctional officers, who in some cases also were veterans. None of the female participants were identified as veterans during their incarceration and none knew about or participated in any veteran-specific programs.
“As soon as everything happened, as soon as I was incarcerated, it was like I had no connection to the military at all, and no support.”
For some, the structure of prison life, especially in a veteran-specific housing unit, provided stability and comfort. One participant said prison was “very, very similar to the military … I was able to move around in a space that felt somewhat comfortable, ‘cause it was very similar to what I’d had, and a lot of the other veterans that were incarcerated as well had the same kind of mentality.” Veteran-specific housing units in prison and jail are rare, and few participants had experienced life in such a setting. One described the experience this way: “When they get up in the morning, they do the reveille; they do the taps at night. They have somebody that is commanding–the highest-ranking inmate by honor system who’s the man in charge. … [I]t makes a big difference here. Then they bring in guys from the Disabled American Veterans and they talk to them and say here's some services and things of that nature.” Due to space limitations in the unit, however, not all veterans in the prison were able to participate, this participant said. “if you're not in that mod [unit], you’re not going to hear s**t about anything at all.”
The Value of Targeted Programs
While access to veteran-specific programs in institutions was rare among participants, those who had engaged in such programs rated them positively and described a range of targeted offerings. These included regular meetings with VJO coordinators, veteran advocates, and outside volunteers who provided legal resources, help with understanding and accessing VA and other benefits, connection with community-based reentry resources, ongoing veteran support groups, and informal peer support.
“I found out that I was able to file to upgrade my discharge … I found out that [for injuries sustained in the military] I can apply for service-connected [disability], which I didn’t know anything about … I found out about housing.”
One participant, who had been incarcerated multiple times in facilities with no veteran-specific programs, said one institution had “a phenomenal group” that incorporated VJO coordinators and other veteran advocates. The group leaders “kind of educated us on how to support ourselves. We met every Saturday. We had community, we were all from different branches.” Other participants recalled the value of outside speakers invited to appear before veteran-specific groups. One described a program led by an outside facilitator that allowed veterans to “open up and talk about our … issues that we had been carrying all those years … and work to improve their feelings and reactions.” Those who joined described these groups as “life-changing,” in part because they discovered resources and supports that would have otherwise been inaccessible to them. One participant, for example, said, “I found out that I was able to file to upgrade my discharge … I found out that [for injuries sustained in the military] I can apply for service-connected [disability], which I didn’t know anything about … I found out about housing.”
Sustaining veteran-specific groups within prisons and jails was challenging, participants said, requiring institutional commitment or leadership from the VA or other external group. A few participants described veteran programs that were not robust and provided few benefits because they lacked sufficient support. One example involved an individual corrections officer who tried to establish a veteran-specific program but lacked resources and staff to get the initiative off the ground.
The Decisive Impact of Reentry Support
Among those veterans who had been incarcerated and returned home, many said their success reflected the amount of support they received during reentry. Those who had engaged in a veteran-specific program said connecting with individual speakers or veterans organizations during incarceration was helpful during reentry. These participants talked about how during reentry they worked towards benefits restoration, secured housing in the community, or continued their education. Some were also connected to job opportunities available to veterans.
One participant recalled receiving guidance and other support from a veterans advocate while living in a halfway house post-release. “This guy showed up. ‘Oh, you’re a veteran. I got you. I want you to start going to school.’ ” The advocate then negotiated with halfway house staff to allow the participant to attend the local community college. The advocate later helped the participant secure housing, furnish the new apartment, and reinstate his driver’s license. “He was probably the only person throughout that process that genuinely not only cared but had solutions,” the participant recalled.
For those who had not engaged in veteran-specific programs during incarceration, reentry was more difficult. This was especially acute for female participants, who found little to no reentry support in halfway houses or in their communities. One female participant said, “They didn’t have any reentry opportunities for women at the halfway house where I was at . . . There was nowhere for me to receive help from anyone with anything.”
Conclusion and Recommendations
While many veterans manage the transition from military to civilian life with little or no trouble, others grapple with a wide range of challenges that influence their ability to create a stable post-service life. Participants in the listening sessions convened by the Commission said these challenges include financial strain, lack of emotional and social support, difficulty securing employment, and a daunting struggle to access healthcare and benefits. The generic nature of existing transition programs, coupled with a lack of support, left justice-involved veterans interviewed for the Commission feeling underserved and disconnected from the country they once fought to protect.
Participants offered the following recommendations to address these challenges and enhance both public health and public safety:
- Establish Early Support Systems: Participants recommended targeted engagement with veterans in addition to the VA’s Transition Assistance Program 4 during the final phase of military service and the initial months of civilian life to strengthen their social support systems during transition, improve mental health outcomes, and provide essential information about benefits.
- Provide Personalized Transition Assistance: Participants called for tailored transition plans to address individual veterans' needs and provide location-specific information, including guidance and assistance with housing and financial challenges.
- Identify Veterans in the Criminal Justice System: Participants recommended creation of a standardized process for prisons and jails to identify veterans to enhance the receipt of timely and appropriate support. Note: The Veterans Justice Commission made a similar recommendation and outlined implementation steps in its report Honoring Service, Advancing Safety: Supporting Veterans From Arrest Through Sentencing.
- Increase Awareness and Coverage of Veterans Treatment Courts: Participants who had engaged in VTCs recommended expanding the scope of these programs geographically and by charge type. They also suggested raising awareness about VTCs among veterans and criminal justice system stakeholders.
- Provide Peer Support to Incarcerated Veterans: Participants recommended expanding peer mentoring programs both during and after incarceration to enhance motivation, connect veterans to treatment and services, and facilitate veterans’ stability in the community after release.
- Expand Eligibility for Benefits: Participants recommended expanding access to treatment and services that address service-related physical health conditions and mental health and substance use disorders to all those who served in the military, regardless of discharge status. They said standardizing the definition of “veteran” would be an important first step, an action the Commission also recommended.5
- Involve Veterans in Policy Reform: Participants said veterans whose service-related challenges led to justice system involvement are well-positioned to help craft policy changes and should be enlisted in such work.
About the Authors
Susan Howley is the Project Director for the Center for Victim Research at the Justice Information Resource Network (formerly the Justice Research and Statistics Association). Prior to this, Howley was Director of Public Policy for the National Center for Victims of Crime. She has nearly 30 years of experience with crime victims issues, including analyzing federal and state legislation regarding the rights and interests of crime victims, exploring the capacity of the crime victim services field and identifying areas in need of improvement, exploring the integration of research and practice in victim services, and developing recommendations to foster that integration. She earned her J.D. from Georgetown University Law Center.
Diba Rouzbahani is a Research Analyst at the Justice Information Resource Network. She has extensive experience conducting research in diverse sectors, including nonprofit organizations, philanthropy, and academia. She holds a Master of Arts degree from Rutgers University and is pursuing her Ph.D. in Criminal Justice at the John Jay College-Graduate Center.
Stephanie C. Kennedy is the Policy Director for the Council on Criminal Justice. Kennedy has spent nearly 15 years conducting research to amplify well-being among justice-involved people and families, with particular attention to justice-involved women and mothers. Kennedy holds a Master of Social Work and a Ph.D. in Social Work Research, both from Florida State University.
Suggested Citation: Howley, S., Rouzbahani, D., & Kennedy, S. C. (2024). Reflections: Veterans discuss their experience in the criminal justice system. Council on Criminal Justice. https://counciloncj.foleon.com/veterans-commission/reflections/